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Article(id=1317436203041931398, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, issueId=1317436114500170416, articleNumber=null, orderNo=null, doi=null, pmid=null, cstr=null, oa=null, hot=null, price=null, onlineType=0, articleFormat=0, articleType=null, articleTypeStr=research-article, receivedDate=1752595200000, receivedDateStr=2025-07-16, revisedDate=1764691200000, revisedDateStr=2025-12-03, acceptedDate=null, acceptedDateStr=null, onlineDate=1792030867585, onlineDateStr=2026-10-15, pubDate=1789401600000, pubDateStr=2026-09-15, doiRegisterDate=null, doiRegisterDateStr=null, onlineIssueDate=1792030867585, onlineIssueDateStr=2026-10-15, onlineJustAcceptDate=null, onlineJustAcceptDateStr=null, onlineFirstDate=null, onlineFirstDateStr=null, sourceXml=null, magXml=null, createTime=1792030867585, creator=13701087609, updateTime=1792030867585, updator=13701087609, issue=Issue{id=1317436114500170416, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, year='2026', volume='44', issue='9', pageStart='1793', pageEnd='2016', issueExtLink='null', onlineDate='null', pubDate='1789401600000', pubDateStr='2026-09-15', beforeIssueId=null, nextIssueId=null, price=null, status=1, issueComplete=1, articleOrder=1, issueType=-1, specialIssue=null, createTime=1792030846476, creator='13701087609', updateTime=1792031015367, updator='13701087609', preIssue=null, nextIssue=null, articleTotal=null, ext={EN=IssueExt(id=1317436822926504829, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, issueId=1317436114500170416, language=EN, specialIssueTitle=, coverIllustrator=null, specialIssueEditor=, specialIssueAbout=), CN=IssueExt(id=1317436822926504830, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, issueId=1317436114500170416, language=CN, specialIssueTitle=, coverIllustrator=null, specialIssueEditor=, specialIssueAbout=)}, issueFiles=null, downloadFileDto=null}, startPage=1802, endPage=1810, ext={EN=ArticleExt(id=1317436203268423815, articleId=1317436203041931398, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, language=EN, title=Strategic narrative analysis of American to Chinese science and technology: rom the perspective of "Ban TikTok", columnId=1309226307205034609, journalTitle=Studies in Science of Science, columnName=Hot Issues, runingTitle=null, highlight=null, articleAbstract=

Under the great changes in the past century, emerging transnational technologies have been brought into the radius of American game against China. Scientific analysis of the narrative content of American science and technology in China can provide a mirror for American science and technology issues and American public opinion research on China. Based on the strategic narrative theory, this paper clarifies the strategic narrative of American science and technology to China in the topic of "Ban TikTok". It is found that the operational path of American strategic narrative of science and technology to China is divided into framing strategic scope, emphasizing strategic connection, intensifying strategic contradiction and solidifying strategic narrative, which embodies the narrative thinking that the United States links stereotypes and stigmatizes China's science and technology, forms a whole-subject narrative layout of "government-media-think tank", establishes narrative skills based on wedge strategy, and finally achieves the goal of suppressing rising countries by science and technology. The narrative of American science and technology strategy to China protects American international discourse right, but it is limited by the intermittent characteristics of American science and technology policy, the large-scale development of China's science and technology going to sea and the common conclusion of emerging global science and technology norms. The U.S. strategy of suppressing Chinese science and technology has been transferred to other China science and technology products. Therefore, the narrative suppression analysis of American science and technology to China should be transformed into relevant strategic industries, so as to help China science and technology to respond to the situation and follow the trend.

, authors=Li-liang WAN, authorsList=Li-liang WAN, authorCompany=null, correspAuthors=null, authorNote=null, correspAuthorsNote=null, copyrightStatement=null, copyrightOwner=null, extLink=null, articleAbsUrl=null, sourceXml=null, magXml=null, pdfUrl=null, pdf=null, pdfFileSize=null, pdfExtLink=null, richHtmlUrl=null, mobilePdfUrl=null, reviewReport=null, pdfFirstPage=null, abstractGraph=null, abstractGraphContent=null, abstractVideo=null, citation=null, cebUrl=null, magXmlContent=null, mapNumber=null, fund=null), CN=ArticleExt(id=1317436203717214344, articleId=1317436203041931398, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, language=CN, title=美国对华科技的战略叙事分析——以“TikTok出售门”为视角, columnId=1309226307364418163, journalTitle=科学学研究, columnName=热点议题, runingTitle=null, highlight=null, articleAbstract=

百年大变局下,新兴跨国科技被纳入美国对华博弈半径。科学分析美国对华科技的叙事内容,能够为美国科技问题及美国涉华舆论研究提供镜鉴。文章基于战略叙事理论,厘清美国在“TikTok出售门”议题中的对华科技战略叙事。研究发现,美国对华科技战略叙事的操作路径分为框定战略范围、强调战略关联、激化战略矛盾和固化战略叙事,体现着美国勾连刻板印象污名化中国科技的叙事思维,形成了“政府-媒体-智库”的全主体叙事布局,立基于楔子战略的叙事技巧,最终达成守成国对崛起国的科技打压目标。美国对华科技战略叙事护持了美国国际话语权,而美国科技政策间断性特征、中国科技出海规模化发展和全球新兴科技规范的共通缔结皆对其形成了限制。美国对TikTok的打压战略,逐渐迁移至其他中国科技产品。是以,就美国对华科技的叙事打压分析应转化到相关战略产业,助力中国科技出海的应势而动与顺势而为。

, authors=万立良, authorsList=万立良, authorCompany=null, correspAuthors=null, authorNote=

万立良(1996-),男,讲师,博雅博士后,E-mail: 。

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万立良(1996-),男,讲师,博雅博士后,E-mail: 。

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万立良(1996-),男,讲师,博雅博士后,E-mail: 。

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Hangzhou: Zhejiang University Press, 2023:22., articleTitle=null, refAbstract=null), Reference(id=1317436215905861845, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, articleId=1317436203041931398, doi=null, pmid=null, pmcid=null, year=null, volume=null, issue=null, pageStart=null, pageEnd=null, url=https://www.gov.cn/yaowen/liebiao/202409/content_6973389.htm, language=null, rfNumber=[33], rfOrder=55, authorNames=中华人民共和国中央人民政府, journalName=null, refType=null, unstructuredReference=中华人民共和国中央人民政府. 拥有的全球百强科技创新集群数量蝉联世界第一中国科技创新能力持续提升[EB/OL]. https://www.gov.cn/yaowen/liebiao/202409/content_6973389.htm., articleTitle=拥有的全球百强科技创新集群数量蝉联世界第一中国科技创新能力持续提升, refAbstract=null), Reference(id=1317436215985553622, tenantId=1146029695717560320, journalId=1308397381743640680, articleId=1317436203041931398, doi=null, pmid=null, pmcid=null, year=null, volume=null, issue=null, pageStart=null, pageEnd=null, url=https://www.gov.cn/yaowen/liebiao/202409/content_6973389.htm, language=null, rfNumber=[33], rfOrder=56, authorNames=Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC), journalName=null, refType=null, unstructuredReference=Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC). 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美国对华科技的战略叙事分析——以“TikTok出售门”为视角
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万立良
科学学研究 | 热点议题 2026,44(9): 1802-1810
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科学学研究 |热点议题 2026 , 44 (9) : 1802 -1810
美国对华科技的战略叙事分析——以“TikTok出售门”为视角
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万立良
作者信息
  • 北京大学新闻与传播学院, 北京 100871
作者简介:

万立良(1996-),男,讲师,博雅博士后,E-mail: 。

Strategic narrative analysis of American to Chinese science and technology: rom the perspective of "Ban TikTok"
Li-liang WAN
Affiliations
  • School of Journalism and Communication, Peking University, Beijing 100871, China
出版时间: 2026-09-15
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百年大变局下,新兴跨国科技被纳入美国对华博弈半径。科学分析美国对华科技的叙事内容,能够为美国科技问题及美国涉华舆论研究提供镜鉴。文章基于战略叙事理论,厘清美国在“TikTok出售门”议题中的对华科技战略叙事。研究发现,美国对华科技战略叙事的操作路径分为框定战略范围、强调战略关联、激化战略矛盾和固化战略叙事,体现着美国勾连刻板印象污名化中国科技的叙事思维,形成了“政府-媒体-智库”的全主体叙事布局,立基于楔子战略的叙事技巧,最终达成守成国对崛起国的科技打压目标。美国对华科技战略叙事护持了美国国际话语权,而美国科技政策间断性特征、中国科技出海规模化发展和全球新兴科技规范的共通缔结皆对其形成了限制。美国对TikTok的打压战略,逐渐迁移至其他中国科技产品。是以,就美国对华科技的叙事打压分析应转化到相关战略产业,助力中国科技出海的应势而动与顺势而为。

中美科技竞争  /  科技出海  /  战略叙事  /  TikTok  /  国际舆论传播

Under the great changes in the past century, emerging transnational technologies have been brought into the radius of American game against China. Scientific analysis of the narrative content of American science and technology in China can provide a mirror for American science and technology issues and American public opinion research on China. Based on the strategic narrative theory, this paper clarifies the strategic narrative of American science and technology to China in the topic of "Ban TikTok". It is found that the operational path of American strategic narrative of science and technology to China is divided into framing strategic scope, emphasizing strategic connection, intensifying strategic contradiction and solidifying strategic narrative, which embodies the narrative thinking that the United States links stereotypes and stigmatizes China's science and technology, forms a whole-subject narrative layout of "government-media-think tank", establishes narrative skills based on wedge strategy, and finally achieves the goal of suppressing rising countries by science and technology. The narrative of American science and technology strategy to China protects American international discourse right, but it is limited by the intermittent characteristics of American science and technology policy, the large-scale development of China's science and technology going to sea and the common conclusion of emerging global science and technology norms. The U.S. strategy of suppressing Chinese science and technology has been transferred to other China science and technology products. Therefore, the narrative suppression analysis of American science and technology to China should be transformed into relevant strategic industries, so as to help China science and technology to respond to the situation and follow the trend.

Sino-US scientific and technological competition  /  science and technology go to sea  /  strategic narrative  /  TikTok  /  international public opinion communication
万立良. 美国对华科技的战略叙事分析——以“TikTok出售门”为视角. 科学学研究, 2026 , 44 (9) : 1802 -1810 .
Li-liang WAN. Strategic narrative analysis of American to Chinese science and technology: rom the perspective of "Ban TikTok"[J]. Studies in Science of Science, 2026 , 44 (9) : 1802 -1810 .
正文
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2025年1月中旬,一批自称“TikTok难民”(TikTok Refugee)的国际用户涌入小红书平台。国际流量源自“TikTok出售门”的悬而未决。“TikTok出售门”起于2020年8月,美国总统特朗普在第一任期末尾提出这一争议性议题,以此凸显政治手腕、转移治理焦虑。虽然特朗普于第47任总统竞选获胜后多次表明对TikTok在美存续的支持立场,但众所周知特朗普是“交易型领导人”[1],其对于TikTok的打压战略,逐渐迁移至其他中国科技产品。国内外研究指出,美国对华科技竞争表征为叙事建构(narrative construction)[2,3]。中国科技出海是讲好中国科技故事、传播好中国科技声音的正当渠道与实例佐证。但在中美战略竞争背景下,美国强硬派却持续通过国际叙事来质疑中国科技企业的技术合法性,将科技问题政治化、工具化、武器化,抬升政客个人及所在党派的政治地位。
目前学界就美国封禁TikTok议题的成果若以研究视角为界,可归为三类。其一,基于美国视角的成果主要分析美国封禁TikTok的高维政策和实践策略[4]。其二,基于全球视角的成果主要辨析TikTok封禁所映射的信息地缘政治博弈局势与手段[5]。其三,基于TikTok视角的成果主要发掘TikTok属性及中国跨国企业的韧性建设[6]。易见既往成果尚存不足:首先,既往研究视角多从现实主义路径出发填补研究意义,但忽略了具体而微的中观视角,弱化TikTok作为全球传播媒介基础设施的深层研究价值。其次,既往研究主要从安全化理论、行动者网络理论等切入,理论殊异但内嵌逻辑相近,即从危机情境探讨TikTok的被动受限与主动“疏堵”,需要跃出短时段的危机分析路径,将TikTok封禁视为常态化过程,检视美国对华科技的叙事操纵及影响。再次,既往成果的研究背景尚停滞于拜登政府时期,在特朗普第二任期竞选及任职期间,其个人与美国民众都认识到TikTok已沁入日常媒介生活,与TikTok相关的国际舆论转变也呼唤新的研究声音。
因此,本文从战略叙事理论视角出发,以话语分析法统摄“TikTok出售门”的国际舆论文本,探析如下问题:在“TikTok出售门”国际舆论中,美国对华科技战略叙事的操作路径如何?从个案中是否能够抽析出美国对华科技战略叙事的调用规律?美国对华科技战略叙事的国际权力护持与全球影响限度如何?在问题解答中,得以将经典案例和战略叙事理论相互印证,直观呈现美国对华科技打压的动态过程和权力护持,进而提出助益中国国际话语权建设与中国科技企业海外发展的因应启示。
1 理论视角:战略叙事理论
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叙事提供了一种框架思维,其将原本没有关联的现象以某种因果变化联系起来[7]。叙事的可编织性与强施动性使其成为权力塑造者眼中的利器,以其为自身的话语说服力加持。当叙事落于战略传播领域,便产生了一种理论创新——战略叙事(strategic narrative)。要使叙事具有战略性,政治行为体需要选择性地解释过去、现在和未来[8],以此凝聚国际舆论中的共识认同,塑造信息受众的认知、信念和行为。目前来看,作为大国竞争的话语武器,战略叙事已成为一种整合资源、塑造认知与争取利益的“故事呈现”(storytelling)形式[9]。通过战略叙事,国家可以通过连贯的叙事模板向外投射历史记忆、身份认同、争论性共识与战略利益[10],从而服务于本国的国际政治目标。由此,战略叙事即由国家政府及媒体机构、智库组织、知识精英等附属群体共同参与,以本国或本党的政治利益为叙事目标,以平台媒体和社交媒体为叙事渠道,以文字媒介与视频媒介为叙事形式,最终通过故事式表达的政治传播活动。
任何规范的传播都不可能在观念真空中进行,都面临着一个“高度竞争”的规范环境[11],国际舆论场正是各国战略情报交汇与交锋的高度竞争场域。进言之,战略叙事在国际舆论中的调用模式表现为“采集议题素材—编织叙事文本—强化叙事说服”的三段式线性维度。其一,采集国际舆论议题素材,从信息源头引导国际公众关注重心。一种竞争秩序的功能特性取决于它如何通过对规则的限制为竞争过程敞开通道[12]。在过往的国际传播秩序建设与国际话语权争夺中,美西方国家通过确定国际传播秩序中的国家次位及一手内容,框定了国际信息竞争的风向。1980年,联合国教科文组织与国际传播弱势国家联合发布“麦克布莱德报告”(The McBride Report)尝试修正国际传播秩序,虽然收效寥寥,但也说明掌握国际传播内容定义权是引导国际公众认知的必要取径。其二,编织国际舆论叙事文本,从传播过程管理国际信息解读模板。在叙述中,说者先要被说,然后才能说……不仅叙述文本是被叙述者叙述出来的,叙述者自己也是被叙述出来的[13]。各国撰写的国际舆论叙事文本是在撰写本国故事与他国故事,权力也正是通过各国在别国的故事中所扮演的角色凸显出来。其三,强化战略叙事说服意义,使受众解码趋同信息传播者的观点。全球传播是一个复杂的多层面进程,主流故事与反主流故事在全球范围内流动[14]。全球公众一旦接受并认同主流故事,就能实现信息传者的叙事效能最大化,加固主流故事的全球信息地位。因此,各国都试图强化自身战略叙事的说服意义,使本国叙事成为全球传播中的主流故事。美国亦概莫能外。
2 “TikTok出售门”中美国对华科技战略叙事的操作路径
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2.1 框定战略范围:强占科技叙事定义权
框架可以帮助信息受众解读事件,也可以被信息传者用于操纵和劝说他者,它提供了一种信息塑造与再传播的话语模板。美国对华科技战略叙事主体通过框定叙事范围,抢占科技叙事定义权,圈定战略叙事博弈的话语范围。2019年10月,参议院多数党领袖、民主党人查克·舒默(Charles Ellis Schumer)与共和党参议员汤姆·科顿(Thomas Bryant Cotton)等要求国家情报局局长办公室(Office of the Director of National Intelligence)就TikTok是否非法泄露用户隐私展开调查。2019年11月,美国联邦政府的外资投资委员会(Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States)正式要求对TikTok及其中国控股人展开调查。TikTok否认泄露用户数据,但未能打消美国政府疑窦。2019年12月,美国海军因担心安全问题,在军队内部禁用TikTok。保守派共和党人乔什·霍利(Joshua David Hawley)自诩为特朗普的精神接班人,他在2020年3月提交法案说到:“TikTok对于美国来说是重大安全风险,不能在政府设备上存在。”在共和党内奉行“美国优先”的右翼人士和对华鹰派推动下,一种“反TikTok”共识逐渐形成:TikTok的存在是对美国价值观和美国人民数字隐私权的科技威胁。
如果说美国政府部门对TikTok的敌视态度与公共表达率先划定了美国对华科技战略叙事的舆论切点,那么美国总统则在国家治理维度将主观叙事变为实体政策。2020年7月22日,美国参议院国土安全和政府事务委员会投票通过了“禁止在联邦政府设备上使用TikTok”法案。7月31日,特朗普又以“国家安全问题”为由,宣布将封禁TikTok。2020年8月,美国政府发布行政命令限定给予TikTok45天的执行期:将TikTok卖给美国科技公司或退出美国市场。美国对华科技战略叙事主体重点突出TikTok隐私问题,主动圈定了后续科技舆论风向,展演美国相关叙事者的权力地位。
2.2 强调战略关联:拓展科技叙事说服力
美国对华科技战略叙事借由强调战略关联旨在达成叙事要素的利益合宜与认知共意,增强科技战略叙事说服力,加深科技战略叙事的公众卷入度。具言之,美国科技战略叙事关联分为三类:战略叙事主体与战略叙事客体的关联、战略叙事内容与战略叙事策略的关联、战略叙事环境与战略叙事互动的关联。在“TikTok出售门”议题中,美国科技战略叙事主体实现关联的手段即将隐私安全话语与战略威胁话语绑定来拓新“威胁叙事”,唤起叙事受众的利益受损恐惧。
聚合社会群体的不是集体价值观念,而是集体否认之物[15]。美国对华科技战略叙事者在“TikTok出售门”议题中进行着负面信息编织的政治尝试,意图赋予TikTok美国“全民公敌”形象,使叙事受众内化TikTok存在隐私泄露问题的说服话语,区隔TikTok及其用户。例如,2020年下半年,特朗普竞选团队仅在5天内就于脸书和照片墙上投放了超过450条政治广告,声称“TikTok正在监视你”,有超过5500万名美国人浏览了广告内容。自2020年8月起,围绕TikTok未来在美发展走向的流言同步迭起。8月1日,美媒CNN报道称微软有意并入TikTok在美业务并已与字节跳动进行并购商谈。9月16日,英媒路透社报道称TikTok全球用户数据未来将由甲骨文公司独立处理,其美国用户数据将在美国存储和管理,以解决美国政府的“国家安全”担忧。这种自上而下的媒介环境将虚假叙事真实化、安全焦虑外向化、威胁议题扩大化,将TikTok叙事内容转化为可传播的判断性话语,劝服叙事受众远离或排斥TikTok平台。2023年5月15日至21日,皮尤研究中心以“是否认为TikTok是国家安全威胁”为主题的调查报告显示,在5010名受访者中,有59%答是,17%答否,23%表示不确定[16]。美国民众历来重视隐私保护,美国对华科技战略叙事主体以隐私议题为切口,将TikTok植入到中国威胁论中,在部分受众端已然形成默示认同的传播效果。
2.3 激化战略矛盾:延伸科技叙事影响面
刻意扩大权力影响是赢得地位竞赛的一种方式[17]。在中美科技竞争中,科技战略叙事成为美国在国际舆论场中调用与再造话语权的自洽手段,以服务其维持科技强国地位与掠夺科技创新成果的战略目标。美国科技竞争者通过对华科技战略叙事开展政治宣传活动,在强调战略关联引起叙事受众的注意力,激化战略竞争矛盾来促进群体的战略叙事认同,以此延伸对华科技战略叙事的影响范围。
就“TikTok出售门”议题,美国科技战略叙事者将TikTok与“冷战叙事”及“毒品叙事”嵌合,催发公众对TikTok的排斥心理。首先,美国科技战略叙事延伸了冷战叙事趋向,激化利益矛盾,堆积美国民众的反华情绪。冷战叙事源于美苏冷战,这种叙事路径讲求零和博弈,只谈竞争不讲合作,属于斗争思维下的叙事实践。在这一宏观叙事框架下,美国战略叙事主体将中国定位为“首要对手”“国家安全威胁”“威权主义国家”等负面角色,TikTok作为中国科技出海产品,顺承着被隐喻为“中国威胁”的代名词,如在美国国会涉TikTok的多份法案中,TikTok往往与China、Adversary(对手)、Controlled(受控制的)、Threat(威胁)等关键词捆绑,美国国会将民用科技产品TikTok隐喻为来自中国的国家安全威胁,以此将TikTok的“公民危害”夸大化。其次,美国科技战略叙事引入毒品叙事,借由健康问题扩大科技叙事影响力。2023年1月,美国众议院中国特别委员会主席麦克·加拉格尔声称TikTok具有“高成瘾性”和“高破坏性”,是一种“数字芬太尼”(Digital Fentanyl),已经对美国人(尤其是年轻群体)产生毒害影响,因此他提议“彻底封杀TikTok”。加拉格尔将TikTok与美国长期打击的“新型毒品”芬太尼并置,试图为美国制裁及强制出售TikTok等操作提供合法性。大众态度包括了理性成分,但更多是感性成分,而态度可以超越观念影响特定主体[18]。因此,“TikTok出售门”中的美国科技战略叙事通过激化矛盾来拉拢更多叙事受众参与及认同,在科技叙事影响面的延伸中亦可见美国反华意识形态由政治领域向科技领域的溢出效应。
2.4 固化战略叙事:打通科技叙事舆论场
对于美国政治精英而言,战略叙事的故事呈现方式能够化解美国展现恫吓力量的刚性,这使其得以迁移美国科技战略叙事的话语说服意义,以“竞争性真相”实现战略叙事在科技领域的舆论场同化,营造美式话语权的政治缄默环境。社交媒体时代,多主体、多层次、多维度的传播格局下,传播效果往往由提出者的动员能力决定[19]。“TikTok出售门”议题在拜登政府时期延续,美国战略叙事主体熟稔地动员战略行动者参与,将封禁TikTok在美落地变体为一种“排他叙事”,与国家形象、权力斗争等捆绑。换言之,如若不封禁TikTok,美国的同类型产品将受到利益损害。2021年1月26日,美国第117届国会议员提交了涉TikTok法案,即《2021年对抗性平台预防法案或APP法案》(Adversarial Platform Prevention Act of 2021 or the APP act),自此拉开拜登政府抵制TikTok序幕。2023年3月,拜登要求字节跳动剥离TikTok,随后美国参议院情报委员会主席马克·华纳(Mark Warner)开始在国会推动相关立法。TikTok首席执行官周受资前往美国国会出席听证会。2023年8月,纽约市网络司令部认定TikTok“对纽约市的技术网络构成安全威胁”,禁止其在该市使用。2024年3月,共同领导《保护美国人免受外国对手控制的应用程序法案》的共和党众议员迈克·加拉格尔和民主党参议员马克·华纳等达成政客共识:中国可能会利用TikTok的强大算法向用户提供政治宣传[20]。综合来看,美国对华科技战略叙事打通了科技叙事舆论场,在科技竞争领域中形成了强制话语,于全球范围内影响着叙事受众对中国科技的政治想象。
3 美国对华科技战略叙事的调用规律
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3.1 科技战略叙事思维:勾连对华刻板印象污名化中国科技
污名是个体在人际关系中被赋予某种“丢脸”的特征,使其处于“受损的社会身份/社会地位”[21]。污名化的话语策略在战略叙事中被引申为命名策略,即向污名化对象贴附负面指代的身份标签,用煽动性命名进行叙事游说、用负面外号抹黑目标对象、通过改变名字来影响受众感知。在美国污名化中国的历史叙事中,其分裂出一套对立叙事身份,即拯救受害国家的“救助者”(美国)、受到威权主义国家迫害的“受害者”(中美之外的国家)、通过威权主义损害国际秩序的“破坏者”(中国),这种虚假且负面的身份标签旨在贬抑和丑化中国,抬高与美化美国。在“TikTok出售门”议题中,美国看似基于“多数裁定原则”尊重民众的隐私权益,实则在勾连对华刻板成见制造“大众暴虐”。具体表现之一是美国对华科技战略叙事行动者将别国封禁TikTok实践与本国民众隐私安全绑定,夸大TikTok安全问题。2020年7月6日,时任美国国务卿蓬佩奥出席Fox新闻节目时将印度的TikTok禁令视作本国对TikTok下禁令的“考量标准”,并表示如果公众想个人信息遭到泄露,可以继续使用TikTok。
3.2 科技战略叙事布局:“政府-媒体-智库”共塑科技舆论包
现代国际格局中,一国应对国际争端的政策选择有三类:消耗战(attrition)、闪电战(blitzkrieg)和有限目标(limited aims)战略[22]。历时来看,以“TikTok出售门”议题为代表的中美科技竞争已从“闪电战”(短期斗争)变为“消耗战”(长期斗争)。在战略转型过程中,美国科技战略叙事主体不断拉扯其他科技议题入场,制造涉华科技“舆论包”,凝聚相近主题舆论组成意见集合体,扩散次生危害。透过信息表象,涉华科技舆论包是美国科技叙事主体的合力之举,现已形成“政府-智库-媒体”的配合叙事模式。其中,美国政府负责宏观科技战略叙事,出台对华科技政策,突出中美科技矛盾;美国智库负责中观科技战略叙事,出具民调报告支撑科技竞争战略,论证政府涉华科技政策合理性;美国媒体负责微观科技战略叙事,将政府对华科技政策与智库报告转化为媒体议程,基于国际传播先发优势向全球传播涉华科技战略叙事。综合来看,美国科技战略叙事主体通过持续生产舆论议题共塑涉华科技舆论包,借国际舆论的病毒式传播扩大涉华战略叙事主体的叙事力度。
3.3 科技战略叙事技巧:基于楔子战略破坏科技合作基础
冷战史学家加迪斯·刘易斯(John Lewis Gaddis)曾基于冷战时期的美国实践提出“压力楔子”(wedge through pressure)概念。2011年,学者蒂莫西·克劳福德(Timothy W. Crawford)正式将楔子战略定义为:“一国以一种可接受的成本试图阻止、破坏或弱化威胁性或围堵性联盟出现的战略”[23]。在各国争相建设国际话语权的百舸争流时代,实现楔子战略的分化效果,从利益分化逻辑转变到认知分化逻辑[24]。当今美国在破坏国际科技合作基础中顺承历史经验,战略叙事成为关键介质。进言之,随着国际传播技术发展,从外部入手制造分裂成为美国打击别国的低成本选择,运用叙事技巧来巩固本方联盟、破坏他国国际友谊也成为美国重要的权力塑造方式。例如,2023年2月10日,美军参谋长联席会议主席马克·米利(Mark A. Milley)推出的《联合竞争概念》(Joint Concept for Competing)报告认为,美军可“通过在社交媒体上散播虚假信息,将虚假叙事包装成新闻等颠覆手段破坏中俄社会信任和政治基础”[25]。上述叙事实践包装了美国的楔子战略,在动摇中国国际关系基础上,负向干扰中国科技等领域的国际合作。
3.4 科技战略叙事目标:达成守成国对于崛起国的科技打压
政治学著作《利维坦》揭示:“每当新兴大国崛起,老牌强权国家必定设法加以阻挠、遏制甚至不惜通过战争维护其统治地位”[26]。从历史经验来看,在守成大国与崛起大国的竞争中,守成大国的惯用手段是对后发大国的形象丑化与制度贬损[27]。国际舆论作为战略叙事的内容集聚场,守成大国的打压行为主要通过国际舆论来表现。在“TikTok出售门”等科技议题中,美国战略叙事主体同样基于一贯的打压思维进行科技发展阻挠。具言之,美国作为科技守成国对科技崛起国中国的科技打压目标表现在三方面:其一,忽视中国科技对全球科技发展瓶颈问题的突破性贡献,以歪曲叙事渲染中国新兴科技对全球科技市场的冲击;其二,预设中国新兴科技的强权化应用与垄断性发展,以零和叙事定势全球公众的科技思维;其三,限定中国科技的发展模式与全球化路径,以规范叙事要求中国科技进行自我约束。上述三种科技打压目标分别对应美国科技战略叙事的“前期(中国科技入场)-中期(中国科技发展)-后期(中国科技勃兴)”阶段,美国战略叙事主体对中国科技贯穿始终的叙事围堵与思维嵌套,使其始终难以跳出科技守成主义的发展圈囿。
4 美国对华科技战略叙事的国际话语权护持与全球影响限度
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建构主义理论强调,只有在受到制度秩序的规则约束情况下,美国的物质资源才能转化为政治影响力[28]。对于身处国际传播秩序首位的美国而言,战略叙事是其放大控制全球信息流动的把关者角色价值,护持国际权力的介质,但其叙事影响面仍有限度。
4.1 美国对华科技战略叙事的国际话语权护持
特朗普在第二任期以来迅速出台了加征贸易关税、叫停中美高科技合作等制华政策,展现其一贯的优越主义心理与对华政策偏好。虽然美国政府坚称其一系列对华政策是建设自身国际话语权、维护国民利益的正当举措,但政策暗含着一种国家权力歧视和民族主义凌驾。就美国排他性对外政策,美国国际政治经济学者罗伯特·吉尔平(Robert Gilpin)概言:“当新大国在世界舞台上崛起,美国外交事务的基本任务就变成对它的世界地位改变做出反应”[29]。剖析美国对外政策,国际话语权护持就是美国政治主体基于权力真空的忧惧心理,使用各种斗争手段打压国际新兴崛起力量,不断加高国际权力场高墙,阻滞新大国进入国际权力主流的政治实践。
落实于美国对华科技竞争,“国际话语权护持”如何在科技领域中迁移、体现并强化?战略叙事提供了一条联通路径。战略叙事的议程沟通、权力关联和话语可供性在国际政治的冲突属性加持下得以强化,成为有序编织与有力打造政治神话故事的博弈工具。进言之,经过长期的国际话语浸润与全球传播运用,美国已在国际舆论制造与宣传中形成了一套较为完备且有效的战略叙事机制,俨然成为美国进行国际话语权护持的自发战略、自主战略和自觉战略,志在延续美国国际话语权地位的政治利益。在科技话语权护持过程中,科技战略叙事同样发挥着议题建构、受众说服和目标规范作用,使美国在科技领域的定义权力、认知权力与观念权力得到强化与支撑,推动美国整体权力的向上擢升。
战略叙事将一国的“结构性知识”转化为“战略性知识”,这一转变能使国家应对国际格局变迁,扩大话语政治张力网。美国在对华科技战略叙事实践中通过强调技术民族主义、制造科技敌人意象和推广科技发展模式,护持其在科技领域的国际话语权。首先,科技战略叙事联动美国的技术民族主义理念者,促进科技话语权拥趸的同频共振。其次,科技战略叙事制造美国的科技敌人意象,强化叙事受众对科技话语权的内部认同。最后,科技战略叙事推广美国的科技发展模式,将美国科技话语权深植于国际科技规范建立中。在算法推送、生成式人工智能、6G通信等新兴科技崛起背景下,新的国际科技规则尚未完全形成,这导致了“领导力赤字”和“话语权真空”的出现,美国试图通过国际秩序叙事将自身的科技发展制度塑造为新的国际标准,巩固自身在全球科技演进中的合法性与权威性。美国科技战略叙事分设的三种科技话语权护持路径密切交织又互相联动,体现了“美国放大即世界”的全球一体论和美式中心论,推动美国科技话语权的恒常性建设,从而影响国际公众对他国科技的认知态度,促进全球科技消费的向美转变。
4.2 美国对华科技战略叙事的全球影响限度
(1)美国自身:科技政策的间断性特征削弱战略叙事影响力
就美国政体,乔治·华盛顿曾指出:“一个派别对另一派别的交替统治,由于党派纷争所产生的天然报复心理而使斗争愈演愈烈”[30]。全球传播时代,美国政坛的“两极体制”(bipolar systems)特性不断扩大政治斗争影响,表现之一即接替政府对前任政策的部分批判或全盘否定,美国对华科技政策亦复如是。例如,特朗普继任首日便签署行政命令废除了拜登于2023年10月30日签署的“安全、可靠和值得信赖的人工智能开发和使用”行政命令。美国对华科技的间断性政策影响深远,可见表征便是美国民众对TikTok在美发展的支持率上升。据皮尤中心2025年3月民调显示,美国成年人中支持封禁TikTok的比例为34%,低于2023年3月的50%[31]。官方与民间的态度错次昭示出美国对华科技政策的间断性使其战略叙事出现话语逻辑断裂,美国政府对TikTok隐私问题的叙事致效锐减,民众在长久地接触与使用中发现中国科技并非官方叙事所言般的“洪水猛兽”。
(2)中国本位:中国科技出海的规模化突破美国战略叙事框架
叙事学对框架有“强调框架”(emphasis frames)与“同等框架”(equivalence frames)两种调用范式[32]。在美国对华科技战略叙事中,各种叙事主体更重视“同等框架”,即从不同的叙事维度将同一价值内容传播给目标对象,以此形成“包围之势”。“重返”是美国对华科技战略叙事的重要同等框架,通过将过去发生的经典科技事件重新提及与翻新,使其与时下的博弈形式相适配。这种重返的科技事件往往更具说服力,主要由于它能够与受众记忆相照应,从而进行自我说服。中国科技及科技企业曾一度被西方舆论描画为落后形象,自21世纪以来,中国科技企业与科技产品的出海日益规模化与平台化,新兴技术以主动姿态反向对接与解构美国的对华科技叙事,突破美国战略叙事的既定框架。据《2024年全球创新指数(GII)报告》先期报告显示,中国拥有26个全球百强科技创新集群,连续第二年位居世界第一[33]。并且,2024年中国研究与试验发展经费投入总额为3.6万亿元,占全国GDP比重提升至2.68%。中国科技发展的未来前景与过往的科技弱国形象持续拉远,使得美国战略叙事中的中国科技贫弱故事“重返”难有立足之地。
(3)全球视野:新兴科技规范的共通缔造克制战略叙事安全化
目前,各类新兴科技发展方兴未艾,全球公众希冀新兴科技更加推动人类社会的向善发展与共同进步。在共通的技术乐观主义下,国际领域亟需出台新兴科技公约来明确科技规范、约束科技伦理、联结科技合作。以人工智能技术为例,2024年9月5日,由57个国家协商拟定的全球首个国际人工智能条约《人工智能与人权、民主和法治框架公约》正式签署,为AI技术的负责任发展和应用奠定法律基础[34]。在各种新兴科技国际公约的缔结与形成中,国家科技与国际市场的主辅关系将逐渐厘清,当国家科技走进国际市场,各种国家科技的安全化叙事和安全化策略也将被不断克制,这不仅出于破除技术相对主义的现实考量,也是在新兴技术领域形成可通约价值基础的必要前提。于此背景下,美国需要减少对别国科技的“安全困境”渲染,主动敞开技术沟通与企业交流的渠道,形成符合全球市场规律与全球公众期许的共通叙事。
5 结论与启示
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5.1 研究结论
战略叙事的重点是影响受众,对国际公众的态度调整与行为改变是国家战略叙事的效果体现。聚焦战略传播目标,战略叙事成为部分国家护持国际话语权,向全球公众输出战略话语、构建话语陷阱、扩大话语影响、统合同盟目标的博弈性手段。在全球科技市场中,自特朗普首任时期陡然加剧的美国对华科技竞争,表象是美国通过打击中国科技发展来扩大自身科技产品的全球市场占比,实质意在护持美国在全球秩序中的话语权地位,属于美国拓展国际话语权政治的新领域。本文跳出遥距观察的研究路径,选择“TikTok出售门”为讨论案例,由点及面,发现美国对华科技战略叙事的操作路径分为框定战略范围、强调战略关联、激化战略矛盾和固化战略叙事,进而就叙事内容实现强占定义权、拓展说服力、延伸影响面和打通舆论场,推动美国在对华科技竞争中的“程序管理”与“权力把控”。美国战略叙事实践背后,体现着勾连对华刻板印象污名化中国科技思维,形成“政府-媒体-智库”共塑科技舆论的“全主体”布局,立基于楔子战略破坏科技合作基础技巧,最终达成守成国对崛起国的科技打压目标。诚然,美国对华科技战略叙事助推了美国的“长臂管辖”,一定程度护持了美国国际话语权,但美国对华政策的间断性特征、中国科技出海的规模化发展和全球新兴科技规范的共通缔结都将对美国科技战略叙事的全球影响形成限制。
5.2 研究启示
近年来,随着中美战略博弈深化和中国新兴科技企业崛起,科技领域被纳入美国对华战略竞争半径。从半导体到TikTok,再到DeepSeek,中国新兴技术海外发展屡遭阻挠,各种出海科技产品多被美国视为破坏国家安全的“技术敌人”。对此,中国理当在清晰认知美国战略叙事布局后进行叙事结构消解,制定以观念应对观念、以叙事反制叙事的传播性策略,为化解大变局风险、推动科技出海与信息安全创设复合化手段,从而为中国式现代化发展营造更好的国际舆论环境。其一,在全球系统性叙事方面,中国应凸显本国的“和合发展”叙事来消解美国的“破坏力量”叙事,达成国际公众对中国科技企业的合作信任。在国际传播领域,和合文化是中华文化全球传播、向世界各国表达和平发展主张、进行友谊合作的文化核心。中国科技管理部门与科技企业可以扩大和合叙事的包含范围,强调中国科技发展对全球科技市场的推动价值,突出中国科技之于全人类美好生活的物质基础意义,从而将和合叙事发展为美国涉华科技阴谋论的替代性叙事。其二,在国际身份性叙事方面,中国应强调中国科技与全球科技的发展耦合关系,明确自身在国际科技秩序中的维护者、建设者与贡献者身份,消解美国的“恶性竞争”叙事。作为全球增长最快的科技市场之一,中国为新兴科技企业提供了完备的供应链体系、知识产权保护和科技营商环境,形成了从基础研究到技术落地的完整产业集群。中国科技发展倡导并践行着开放、公平、公正、非歧视的国际科技合作理念,在携手构建全球科技共同体中拓展了全球科技市场。面对美国的恶性竞争叙事,中国应继续坚持“科学无国界、惠及全人类”的科技发展态度,阐明自身在国际科技秩序中的常态化身份,用实际行动解构美国的叙事污蔑。其三,在公众接触性叙事方面,中国应敞开科技应用渠道,使全球公众在科技触达中明晰中国科技实质,消解美国的“隐私安全”叙事。真实直接的科技接触是消除科技歧视与偏见的前提。中国应在保护国家科技利益与科技安全前提下,推动中国科技产品在全球场域中的逆向扩散,最大程度上与全球公众产生接触与应用关系,不让中国科技只存在于美国叙事的话语矫饰中。对于全球公众要有重点、分层次地校准科技需求,进行中国科技产品的反向输出。具言之,要以全球南方国家为主,通过广大友好国家受众营造广泛的科技认同;要以美西方国家为重,通过科技产品触达破解中国科技的隐私安全叙事;要以中国公众为根,征召中国公众成为中国科技的全球故事讲述者,推动中国科技破解美西方国家的话语律令,进而以实际行动打破美国对华的科技战略叙事桎梏。
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  • 成都市社科联一般项目(2024CS204)
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2026年第44卷第9期
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  • 接收时间：2025-07-16
  • 首发时间：2026-10-15
  • 出版时间：2026-09-15
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  • 收稿日期：2025-07-16
  • 修回日期：2025-12-03
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国家社会科学基金重大项目(21&ZD314)
成都市社科联一般项目(2024CS204)
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    北京大学新闻与传播学院, 北京 100871
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